It
is exceptionally difficult for most Westerners to negotiate with Iranians,
especially in matters of politics. To begin with, it's important to realize
that Iran thinks of itself as a modern Persia. It is interesting to note that
the rule of Shah Reza Pahlevi marked as it was by a panoply of ceremony and imperial
trappings was an attempt to recreate the milieu of the past Persian regal
presence. This artifice of historical power and prestige still underpins Iran
under today's religiously dominant leadership.
In
other words, Iran today still wishes to be thought of by others - as it does
itself – as a manifestation of the imperial Persia of the past. This is what
drives them to be a nuclear power equal to the strongest nations in the world.
In effect Iran demands to be treated as the major power it once was, instead of
the highly sophisticated yet still Third World country that it is. Essentially,
its Shia religious leadership has appeared to assume a character that only can
be described as suffering from an institutional version of self-love. In this
they tend to seek a dominant role among fellow Muslims. This ambition, of
course, sometimes places them in an adversarial role with other Muslim nations.
Iran's
economic power originated from the development of its oil industry that until
recent years gave the country an importance in modern terms that it once had
held back in the days of the Persian Empire. This special status has tended to diminish
as other petroleum sources were discovered and developed throughout the world –
including North America. The result has been an attempt by the new mullah-ruled
Iran to seek other means of political power development. Hence the substantial
and increasing role of Teheran in international terrorism activities. This
important political weapon has now been developed to the point where the
importance of Iran in world affairs has become disproportionate to its basic
national status. And here is where its nuclear development capability becomes
critical.
In
the past the field of nuclear weaponry had been dominated by the Great Powers
of World War II. Today the potential of nuclear weapon development has spread
to lesser powers that desire to be regarded on a par with the “big boys”. In fact,
the intellectual and technological underpinnings of the nuclear energy field
have become a factor in itself. It is this evolution that now places Iran in a
position where its leaders believe it can have world leverage. This also
creates an entirely new negotiating stance and strength for a once again
imperial-minded Iran.
One
of the particular strengths that Iran has is its ability to argue its case with
imagination and a total disregard for truth. This is an intellectual concept
that is foreign to Western morality, though not unrecognized as an argumentation
device. The fact is that the Iranian Shia use of the device has been honed over
many generations of their wars against oppression, real or constructed for
political advantage. Of course, politically justified lying is used in all
cultures. It's just that the Iranians are particularly adept at it.
The fact is that Washington has been
utilizing techniques of bargaining with Teheran which have been appropriate in
the past as commercial devices traditional with their Iranian counterparts. Unfortunately,
these devices do not apply in the same manner with the religiously constrained
mullah-led counterparts. The term taqiyah is used generally in Middle Eastern
affairs in reference to teachings in the Koran. There are various definitions
of the term, but the predominant Shia belief is that not divulging the truth in
any action aimed at protecting the Faith or a believer in the Faith is
acceptable. Furthermore, the Shia of
Iran accept taqiyah as the justification for what is translated as
“dissimulation” to protect their faith. Any attack on today's Iran, real or
imagined, is deemed an attack on the Faith. All negotiations and agreements are
judged in this context.
The Russians for their part are well
aware of the philosophical and logical contradictions in Iranian foreign and
defense policy. The Russians have had to deal with the Iranians (Persians) for
centuries. The fiercely anti-American regime in Teheran has provided an
entirely new joint Russia/Iran political perspective. However, the advent of a possible
nuclear-armed Iran, even with a useful anti-U.S. government policy, is a matter
of concern for Moscow. All in all, Russian shares with the U.S. the desire not
to have a proliferation of nuclear weapon capability in the Middle East. This
is a factor the Trump Administration must take into consideration and utilize
to whatever extent possible.
While domestic opponents of the current
Republican Administration may complain about the clear efforts of the Trump
White House to establish and maintain a “special” relationship with Vladimir
Putin, there definitely is a serious shared interest of both countries in
controlling Persian ambitions.
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